As many of you know, the Canadian national anthem actually begins:
O Canada!
Our home and native land.
Seriously, is that an acknowledgment that this land was stolen from indigenous groups?
Growing up, I took it to mean our land of origin or natural land...What did you think?
Anyway, studying migration over the past few years in world that cannot be described as anything other than a system of global apartheid, I have become leery of nationalism and associated holidays.
I've been slowly making my way through Yves Engler's recent book 'The Black Book of Canadian Foreign Policy' which is described as follows:
This book could change how you see Canada. Most of us believe this
country’s primary role has been as peacekeeper or honest broker in
difficult-to-solve disputes. But, contrary to the mythology of Canada
as a force for good in the world, The Black Book of Canadian Foreign
Policy sheds light on many dark corners: from troops that joined the
British in Sudan in 1885 to gunboat diplomacy in the Caribbean and
aspirations of Central American empire, to participation in the U.N.
mission that killed Patrice Lumumba in the Congo, to important support
for apartheid South Africa, Zionism and the U.S. war in Vietnam, to
helping overthrow Salvador Allende and supporting the Pinochet
dictatorship in Chile, to Haiti, Iraq and Afghanistan today.
Anyway, I have to work today so I don't have time to develop this entry as much as I would like to...but I will leave you with a recent article by Todd Gordon which analyzes Canada's official response to recent events in Iran, Honduras and Peru in an article titled 'Acceptable Versus Unacceptable Repression: A Lesson in Canadian Imperial Hypocrisy.'
June has been a difficult month for progressive activists around the
world. Mass protests in Iran and indigenous blockades in Peru were met
with heavy repression, while a left-of-centre President in Honduras was
ousted in a military coup. What these tragic events do offer us,
however, is a very clear perspective on Canadian foreign policy.
Consider
the Canadian response to the events in Iran. Canada issued three press
releases on the events in Iran, all by Foreign Affairs Minister,
Lawrence Cannon. The first was on June 15 after the repression against
the protests challenging electoral fraud began. It called for an
investigation into the allegations of fraud by the Iranian government
and condemned the government’s move to ban protests.
On
June 21, after perhaps the worst day of violent repression of
protesters in Iran up to that point by government security forces and
the government-aligned militia, in which more than a dozen people were
killed, Canada issued a sharp condemnation of the Iranian government.
In the press release, Cannon stated that:
“Canada condemns
the decision of the Iranian authorities to use violence and force
against their own people … The Iranian people deserve to have their
voices heard, without fear of intimidation and violence. Canada
condemns the use of force to stifle dissent, and we continue to call on
Iran to fully respect all of its human rights obligations, both in law
and in practice, and to conduct a thorough and transparent
investigation into the fraud allegations.”
A third
statement was released on June 25 calling for the release of political
prisoners and personally criticizing the Iranian official put in charge
of the investigation of the detained reformist leaders.
But
what did the Canadian government say following the first rumblings of a
potential military coup against the moderately left wing Honduran
president, Jose Manuel Zelaya, on June 25? Nothing. As of the evening
of June 29, it had issued one rather tepid press release late on June
28, more than 12 hours after the coup became known outside Honduras.
And
what did the Canadian government say when over 50 indigenous activists
in Peru were gunned down on June 5th by military and police forces for
protesting their government’s free trade policies? Nothing. The
massacre of indigenous protesters in Peru, many of whose bodies were
then dumped by police in a river, didn’t rate any mention at all.
So
why does Iran rate a sharp rebuke, but a military coup in Honduras and
brutal repression in Peru inspire cautious condemnation and silence
respectively?
Canadian Economic Interests versus Human Rights
For
starters, the Iranian government is a part of the “Axis of Evil” in the
war on “terror,” of which Canada is an eager member. Thus Iran is a
fair target for criticism when it moves to crush dissent, as it should
be. (Though we should be mindful that the interests of Canada, like
those of the U.S. or U.K., aren’t necessarily a democratic Iran but a
compliant one; one need only look at the history of foreign
intervention in Iran in the 20th century to be skeptical about the
intentions of imperial powers.)
But the situation is different when it comes to Honduras and Peru.
In
Honduras, Canadian corporations – largely, though not exclusively, in
mining – are major economic players. According to the Economic
Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, from 1996-2006 Canada
was in fact the second largest foreign investor in the Central American
country. Mining companies like Goldcorp, Yamana and Breakwater
Resources benefit from a mining law passed in the wake of Hurricane
Mitch in 1998 that strongly favours foreign corporations over the
rights of local communities. The mining law and Canadian investments,
particularly Goldcorp’s San Martin open pit mine, have been the target
of large demonstrations and blockades over the last few years by
indigenous peoples and small farmers whose lands and livelihoods are
threatened by the expansion of – well documented –
ecologically-disastrous Canadian mining.
In active support
of Canadian capital (and foreign capital more generally) in Honduras,
the Canadian government has supported, through the Canadian
International Development Agency (CIDA),
structural adjustment (now described as Poverty Reduction Strategies).
Structural adjustment is aimed at the neoliberalization of the Honduran
government and its public policies. Among other things, CIDA
committed $1.5-million from 2004 to 2010 toward a program at the
Universidad Nacional de Honduras to assist in the development and
implementation of the country’s Poverty Reduction Strategy process. The
Canadian government has also been pursuing a free trade agreement (FTA) with Honduras, Guatemala, Nicaragua and El Salvador.
It
should come as no surprise, then, that social movements opposed to
mining investment and reactionary mining laws are a threat to
well-established Canadian interests in Honduras. President Zelaya was
also not on the best of terms with the mining industry. In his
inaugural address in January 2006 he declared a moratorium on the
granting of new mining concessions. While by no means stopping existing
exploration or halting operational mines, this move was nevertheless
seen as a threat to the security and stability of mining in the
country, and industry officials responded with lobbying and advertising
campaigns to push their interests.
Zelaya’s tenure also
saw the adoption of a minimum wage increase, measures to nationalize
energy generation plants and the telephone system, and Honduras’s
entrance into the Venezuelan-initiated Bolivarian Alternative for the
Americas, a political and economic formation that seeks to counter
imperialist influence in the region.
Against this backdrop
Zelaya, supported by trade unions and social movements, called a vote
for June 28 to determine if a majority of Hondurans wanted to have a
referendum during the upcoming elections in November on convening a
constitutional assembly. If called, the constitutional assembly would
seek to replace the current constitution, adopted in 1982 by a brutal
American-backed military regime, with one more inclusive and
democratic. Such a constitution could very well further jeopardize
mining interests in the country.
But the vote – to decide
whether or not to have a referendum – was strongly opposed by the
anti-Zelaya-dominated Congress and Supreme Court and by the military,
all of whom claimed it’s illegal. Their efforts to block the vote in
the days leading up to it brought thousands of Hondurans onto the
streets, as the first concerns about a potential coup were raised. But
early in the morning of June 28 the military made its move, violently
detaining Zelaya at his house and then deporting him to Costa Rica.
Anti-Zelaya President of the Congress (and fellow member of Zelaya’s
Liberal Party), Roberto Michelletti, read a letter of resignation later
in the day allegedly signed by the ousted President, but Zelaya denies
signing the letter. The military occupied the country, establishing
checkpoints at the entrance of towns, while the national telephone
system, cell phone service and the energy grid has been shut down in a
number of areas.
The threat to the interests of the Canadian government and corporations has subsided, at least for the time being.
And
so the Canadian government is much cagier around the situation in
Honduras than it is with respect to Iran. The Organization of American
States (OAS) did pass a resolution on Friday
June, 26, after the first rumblings of a coup were heard, which called
for the maintenance of democracy and the rule of law. Yet, at the same
time, in the special session of the OAS
Permanent Council on the situation in Honduras held that same day the
Canadian representative remained silent. Foreign Affairs and
International Trade issued no press release on the 26th or the 27th
condemning the clear threat to Honduran democracy.
A press
release was finally issued by Peter Kent, Minister of State for the
Americas, very late in the evening of June 28. While Kent condemns the
coup d’état, he “calls on all parties to show restraint and to seek a
peaceful resolution” to the crisis, as if all parties, including Zelaya
and his supporters, are responsible for the military-orchestrated coup
or are equally unrestrained in their actions. This position is echoed
in the Canadian representative’s statement to the OAS
Permanent Council following the coup on the 28th. Canada has thus far
failed, furthermore, to call for the reinstatement of the Honduran
President, placing it politically behind the United States, which has
called for Zelaya’s return, in its response to the coup.
Non-Response to the Massacre in Peru
In
Peru, meanwhile, Canadian companies have over $2.3-billion in
investments, ranking fourth among foreign investors in general but
first in mining, according to Foreign Affairs and International Trade.
In an effort to strengthen the rights of Canadian capital in the Andean
nation and lock in its access to Peruvian resources, Canada signed a
free trade agreement with Peru late in 2008.
CIDA
has also been busy at work in Peru, spending over $24-million between
2002 and 2009 on public sector reform (aimed at “improving
efficiency”), developing new institutional and regulatory frameworks in
the hydrocarbons sector (promoting “international private sector
investment”), and reform in the mineral sector. Export Development
Canada (EDC) – a government credit agency
designed to finance Canadian foreign investment – recently posted a
permanent representative for the Andean Region in Lima. EDC
President, Eric Seigel, proclaimed that “EDC intends to become a
permanent member of the Andean financial community, supporting growth
for both Andean and Canadian companies operating in the region.”
And
so Canada said nothing when Peruvian President, Alan García, sent in a
600 strong police and military force – including armoured personnel
carriers and helicopter gun-ships – to crush a blockade of a major
highway by 5,000 indigenous activists. The military and police assault
led to the deaths of fifty protesters and the disappearance of many –
possibly hundreds – more, according to indigenous organizations. Nine
police officers were also killed during the assault when indigenous
people fought back in self defense against the massive government show
of brutal force.
While Canada remained silent about the
repression in Peru, it couldn’t contain itself when, a mere two weeks
later, Stockwell Day, Minister of International Trade, proudly
announced that legislation to implement the Canada-Peru FTA
was passed by parliament. But it was precisely the neoliberal and Free
Trade policies of García that sparked the blockades in the first place.
García, who has a long history of violence and political corruption
that led to his exile in the 1990s, has moved to open up large swathes
of indigenous land in the Amazon to foreign resource companies,
sweetening the deal for Canadian and other foreign companies with low
tax and royalty rates and cheap government-subsidized electricity
rates.
The result, predictably, has been a steady growth
of Canadian and other foreign resource firms in the Peruvian Amazon,
and increasing confrontations between them and indigenous communities.
Canada’s FTA with Peru, along with the American FTA, will only intensify the conflicts surrounding resource development and indigenous land.
If it’s Good for Canadian Business…
It’s
no accident that the Canadian government quickly and sharply condemns
some instances of repression, such as that in Iran, while it ignores or
tepidly responds to others. If it’s good for Canadian business, then
it’s okay. This is imperialist Canada in the developing world: exploit
people and their resources to make a buck, and if some repression is
required along the way, well so be it. This isn’t just an American act;
it’s a Canadian one too, and it’s becoming all too familiar.
It’s
also worth noting here that Canadian involvement in Honduras and Peru
(and many more countries besides) extends beyond investment interests
and financing neoliberal reform. Canada has also trained Honduran and
Peruvian military personnel through the Military Training Assistance
Programme (MTAP). The MTAP
provides language, officer and “peace support” operations training to
roughly 1,300 military personnel from sixty-three different developing
countries a year. According to its Directorate, the MTAP
serves to “promote Canadian foreign and defence policy interests.” It
“uses the mechanism of military training assistance to develop and
enhance bilateral and defence relationships with countries of strategic
interest to Canada.”
It happens to be the case that many
of the participating countries are ones with which Canada has, or is
hoping to develop, strong economic ties and which have troubling human
rights records, including Peru and Honduras.
The reality
of Canadian involvement in the third world is an ugly one, and deserves
greater attention from the Canadian Left. The Honduran and Peruvian
situations are not the exception to the rule of Canadian foreign
policy. They represent the normal practice of the Canadian government
defending Canadian business interests against the human rights of
workers, poor communities, and indigenous peoples.
Link:
'Acceptable Versus Unacceptable Repression: A Lesson in Canadian Imperial Hypocrisy' by Todd Gordon via New Socialist
A Different Picture of O Canada:
The Black Book of Canadian Foreign Policy by Yves Engler
The Dark Side of the Nation: Essays on Multiculturalism, Nationalism and Gender by Himani Bannerji
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